As was one of the origins of the treaty, the deep cuts made to the Royal Navy after the 1921-22 Washington Naval Conference and the London Naval Conference in 1930. The cuts imposed by both conferences and the effects of the Great Depression led to the collapse of much of the British naval industry in the early 1930s.  This seriously hampered British naval armament efforts later in the decade, leading the Admiralty to consider contracts with quantitative and qualitative restrictions of potential enemies as the best way to ensure the Royal Navy`s maritime dominance.  Maiolo argues that it is in fact unseribly important whether potential enemies are intentionally isolating the size and extent of their navies.  In particular, Admiral Sir Ernle Chatfield, the first lord of the sea between 1933 and 1938, defended such contracts. They promised a standardized classification of different warships and discouraged technical innovations that the Royal Navy was not always able to meet under existing conditions.  Chatfield`s primary desire was for the Germans to abolish their German-class armoured ships (known in the London press as „pocket boatmen”) because those who embrace the characteristics of battleships and cruisers are dangerous to his vision of a world of regulated warship types and designs.  As part of efforts to remove armoured ships, the British Admiralty declared in March 1932 and again in the spring of 1933 that Germany had „a moral right to some easing of the Treaty of Versailles].  The naval pact was signed in London on 18 June 1935, without the British government being consulted with France and Italy or subsequently informing them of the secret agreements which provided that the Germans could build in certain categories more powerful warships than each of the three Western nations at the time. The French saw it as a betrayal. They saw it as another appeasement of Hitler, whose appetite for concessions grew.
They were also upset that the UK`s private agreement further weakened the peace treaty, thereby reinforcing Germany`s growing military power as a whole. The French claimed that the United Kingdom had no right to exempt Germany from complying with the maritime clauses of the Treaty of Versaille.  „It is the hope of my whole family that today`s agreement will allow them to build a happy and peaceful life,” she added. Harry and Meghan had already announced their intention to resign as Senior Royals and to live part-time in Canada. In December 1934, a secret ministerial committee met to discuss the situation of German rearmament. Sir John Simon, the British Foreign Secretary, told a meeting of the committee that „if the alternative to legalising German rearmament is to prevent it, there would be everything to say not to legalise it.”  However, since London had already rejected the idea of a war to end German rearmament, the British government chose a diplomatic strategy to replace Part V in exchange for Germany`s return to the League of Nations and the World Conference on Disarmament.  At the same meeting, Simon said: „Germany would, it seems, prefer to be an honest woman; but if it stays too long to engage in illegitimate practices and find from experience that it does not suffer from it, this laudable ambition can wear out.  In January 1935, Simon wrote to Georg V.: „The practical choice is between a Germany that continues to arm itself without any regulation or agreement, and a Germany that enters the community of nations through the recognition of its rights and certain changes in peace treaties and contributes in this way or another to European stability.”